Native ExperiencesFrom ‘Savage’ to ‘Civilized’
Life at Native American boarding schools was not easy nor fun for Native children. With abuse, disease and mistreatment of students at institutions well-documented, boarding schools were ‘schools’ in “the loosest sense of the word.” [1]
This section will discuss the experiences of Native American children at boarding schools, and the effects these assimilationist institutions had on Native students, families and communities.
Education as EradicationAs previously mentioned, boarding schools “sought to accomplish the original aims of warfare” through the eradication of Native American culture and identity. [3]
Although no longer killing Native Americans with bullets, the government “waged cultural, psychological and intellectual warfare on Native students” as part of an effort to rid the nation of its perpetual ‘Indian Problem.’ [4] Native American boarding schools taught children “the ‘right’ skills necessary to living the ‘right’ way.” [5]
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Reminder: This project is a brief overview of the experiences of boarding schools and assimilation on Native American populations. The narrative of this project does not try to make sweeping assumptions on the experiences of all Native children or communities. With thousands of students subjected to assimilationist schools, there are thousands of different stories and perspectives.
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ArrivalWhen children who attended off-reservation boarding schools arrived at their new homes, they were “immediately told they were ‘dirty Indians.' [7]
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Students were immediately “thrown into hostile environments in which everything that made them who they were was systematically ridiculed and condemned.” – Historians Victoria Haskins and Margaret D. Jacobs [6] |
Native students were stripped of their traditional clothing and disinfected with “alcohol, kerosene, or DDT.” [8] Their culturally and spiritually significant hair was cut and they were given “uniforms made of low quality [and] uncomfortable materials." [9] Similar haircuts and dress were meant to instill sameness, regularity and order, removing all aspects of individuality and savage lifestyles. [10]
Before and After Photos
The image of Tom Torlino, [Image 3.] a Navajo student at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, is a powerful photograph that captures the drastic changes in Native students, before and after, their transformation from ‘savage’ to ‘civilized.’
The iconic image of Torlino, taken three years apart, was the work of Richard Henry Pratt, who hired photographer J. N. Choate to “create a visual record of Native students.” Pratt insisted on photos “upon arrival to document [students] ‘Native state.’” [11]
Pratt used Choate’s before and after images as propaganda and evidence of “assimilation and progress” towards civilization. [12] Today, these images serve as a powerful reminder of the complete loss of culture and identity Native students experienced at boarding schools. |
Cultural LossThe goal of boarding schools was to eliminate Native American identity and culture. These institutions removed Native children from their ancestral homelands, denied them their cultural heritage and forced them to integrate and adopt White lifestyles.
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“Indian boarding schools were purposely utilized to strip away Native languages, customs, traditions and spirituality” |
The United States hoped that boarding school curriculum, activities and mandatory practices would “eradicate any trace of original culture” and identity within Native students. [14]
Native children who experienced boarding schools were never the same, forever losing a part of their identity and self-worth – this trauma, and the loss of culture, continues to plague present-day Native American communities through the manifestation of Historical Trauma. This term, and the prolonged effects of boarding schools, will be discussed in the section Indian Country Today.
Curriculum and the Acquisition of White Skills
Curriculum [Image 7.] focused on lessons of basic math, English, and Christianity, with an emphasis on learning “the industrial arts of farming, housekeeping, cooking and mechanics.” [17] While classes were held in the mornings, the afternoons were devoted to ‘work’ and the learning of skills necessary for students to flourish and survive in White, American society. [18]
There was no “reading of Shakespeare or learning of Latin” at boarding schools. [19] Courses were meant to “prepared Indian youth for assimilation into national life,” and “the responsibilities of citizenship,” such a manual labor, cultivation and White gender norms. [20][21]
The 'Outing-System'First created and implemented by Richard Henry Pratt at Fort Marion, the use of the ‘outing system’ allowed Native students the ability to gain real experience and be “compensated for their work.” [24] Proven successful at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, this system of apprenticeship placed Native students in selected White families to use their skills and interact with White culture. [25]
“Besides the exploitation of cheap labor, the outing system made the federal government’s assimilationist intentions explicit,” by solidifying “American Indians’ occupational status in society.” - Historian Annalee Good [26] |
Before the influence of White society, Native American tribes flourished. With their own educational customs and practices, Native children learned through their families and elders. [15] Lessons and skills were taught through everyday activities such as story-telling and ceremonies, meant to connect and engage Native children to their identity, culture and heritage. [16]
However, because Native educational practices did not mirror that of White society, they were deemed ‘savage,’ and thought to perpetuated barbaric tendencies. For this reason, Native education needed to be eliminated and replaced.
Students were taught skills based on their gender roles [Image 11., and Image 12.], with girls learning domestic duties such as cooking and sewing, while boys learned agricultural skills of farming, gardening and caring for livestock. [22] These skills were “clear manifestations of the gender-and-race fault lines that segmented American society at the turn of the century.” [23]
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Despite the promise of financial compensation, many students never received wages for their work. The use of the ‘outing system’ would become a way for White communities to exploit the cheap labor of Native students.
Discipline |
To help Native American students assimilate to White customs, all forms of cultural expression and identity were banned, including the use of language, traditional clothing, and the practicing of religious ceremonies.
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The Office of Indians Affairs mandated all boarding school instruction be in the English language, demanding students “converse with each other in only English,” with every effort “made to encourage them to abandon their tribal languages.” [27]
Students caught speaking in their Native tongues or expressing Native customs were to be “properly punished” and discouraged for repeating these mistakes. [28] While the government did not encourage the physical discipline of students, [Image 13.] in “some cases [corporal punishment] was beneficial.” [29]
Resistance |
It is important to recognize that Native students did not passively accept the conditions or abuses of boarding schools.
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“Indian students and parents were not passive victims of the government’s assimilation campaign” |
Students actively challenged assimilation, with many resisting school authorities by creating “insulting nicknames for teachers, writing manipulative letters to school administrators, or perpetuating tribal traditions in secret.” [31] Students ran away, started fights, or even “set fire to school buildings;” Native American children actively combated the government’s attempts to eradicate their sacred identities and cultures. [32]
Punishment for offenses were often violent, including beatings and solitary confinement. [33] Some schools used public humiliation as punishment, like the Toadlena Indian School in Arizona. Officials at the school subjected run-away students and those who resisted to “public head shaving,” as they knew having “one’s hair cut short was a great disgrace” in Navajo culture. [34]
The conditions of Native American boarding schools were horrendous, with numerous accounts of overcrowding, poor ventilation, poor sanitation, and “inadequate and low-quality food.” [36] In an 1896 report, Dr. Fred Treon described these institutions as “hotbeds of diseases.” [37]
The reporting of illness and deaths would deter Native parents from enrolling or allowing their students to attend boarding schools. For this reason, school officials “downplayed the prevalence of diseases.” [40] Fearful of reporting these illness, superintendents and teachers would send “gravely ill students” home so their deaths did not appear on record. [41]
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Cato Sells, stressed the importance of keeping children alive and not reporting their illnesses or deaths, saying “we cannot solve the Indian Problem without Indians. We cannot education their children unless they are kept alive.” [42]
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Health and SanitationRates of deadly diseases at boarding schools, such as measles, chicken pox, small pox, and tuberculosis “were double or triple the national rates.” [38]
Preventable diseases like trachoma, a bacterial infection of the eye that causes inflammation and can lead to blindness, were a result of poor sanitation and unclean facilities. Image 14. depicts an entire family of Native Americans affected by the disease. Because trachoma is a bacterial infection, its causes are often environmental, meaning it “could [have been] prevented with appropriate measures” and cleanliness at school facilities. [39]
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The Effect on FamiliesThe trauma of boarding schools was not confined to institutions. Many families experienced the same pain and suffering as their children. Native American mothers and families often felt immense psychological trauma over the loss of their children, blaming themselves for the abuses students endured. This trauma, like the loss of cultural identity and mistreatment experienced by students, has continued to plague Native American communities for generations.
Although some school were ‘voluntary,’ most children were forced to attend. To create pressure on families, government officials often withheld food and supplies until Native communities cooperated. While families resisted the removal of their children, many did so “individually or in small groups,” avoiding large-scale opposition in fear of violence or the killing of their child. [44]
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“While the federal government supposedly did not allow the removal of children without the consent of their parents, Indian agents used force, withheld rations, or offered bribes to fill boarding school quotas.” – Historians Victoria Haskins and Margaret D. Jacobs [43] |
The experience of returning home varied from student to student. Some communities happily welcomed Native children home, while others received “[returned students] coldly and with suspicion.” [46]
Many students reported feeling like outcasts in their communities, struggling to find where they belonged in a culture they were forced to “completely reject.” [47] Students possessed a new bi-cultural identity that did not grant them full access to either White or Native society. [48]
“There was no happy gathering of family and friends, as I had fondly dreamed… I had no home to go to, and my relatives did not welcome my presence.” – boarding school student Thomas Wildcat Alford [45] |
Returning Home |
The government saw the return of students to their communities as a positive change for Native culture as students were able to “improve and develop lands” and teach their tribal members the customs of White society. [49] However, officials were still fearful of students reverting to their traditional customs and values, and becoming ‘savages’ once again. [50]
Boarding Schools and
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Adam Fortunate Eagle, a former student of the Pipestone Indian School in Minnesota, credited his education in White ways of life with “preparing him [for] employment after graduation.” [51]
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With off-reservation boarding schools housing hundreds of Native Americans students from around the country, these institutions allowed for the connection of otherwise separate Native nations. Historian David Wallace Adams claims that the cross-cultural connections students made while attending boarding school helped create relationships “across tribal lines,” which “contributed to Pan-Indian identities,” and “encouraged Native peoples to work together for their political and cultural self-determination.” [52]
Although Adams acknowledges the abusive environments of boarding schools, he argues the psychological impacts these experiences had on students created change within their home communities and broad Native networks. Adams argues both the good and bad experiences of boarding schools helped Native Americans fight for their rights and freedoms during the latter part of the 20th century. [53]
The Decline of Assimilationist Education
Despite rapid growth and expansion in the late 1890s, the accomplishments of boarding school would be questioned during the mid-1920s. With continued reports of mistreatment, abuse, and poor conditions, the government would sponsor an investigation into the deteriorating conditions of Native American boarding schools and communities. [54]
The two-year investigation resulted in the 847-page Meriam Report: “The Problem of Indian Administration," [Image 20.] a document that would “reveal a picture of Indian dispossession, [and] poverty” directly related to the government’s policies of violence, removal, and forced assimilation – the report called the creation and implementation of these policies “a disaster.” [55][56]
Detailing economic, social and health disparities in Native American communities, the report specifically called out the creation and implementation of boarding schools, condemning these institutions with “strong criticism.” [57]
The investigation revealed trends of abuse, poor sanitation, and overcrowding at the schools, and criticized the curriculum for “failing to provided Indians with the skills necessary to survive” and be fully integrated into White America – the main goal of these assimilationist institutions.
The report demanded a complete overhaul of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and outlined recommendations for improving the life and livelihoods of Native peoples. However, despite these recommendations for change, Native communities continued to be plagued by immense disparities and the lingering trauma of assimilation.
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Page Citations:
[1] Ann Piccard, “Death by Boarding School: “The Last Acceptable Racism” and the United States’ Genocide of Native Americans.” Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 157.
[2] Amy Lonetree. “American Indian Boarding Schools: An Exploration of Global Ethnic and Cultural Cleansing.” Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 5.
[3] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. “Stolen Generation and Vanishing Indians: The Removal of Indigenous Children as a Weapon of War in the United States and Australia, 1870-1940.” Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 238.
[4] Julie Davis. “American Indian Boarding School Experiences: Recent Studies from Native Perspective.” OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[5] Annalee G. Good. “‘Unconscionable Violence:’ The Federal Role in American Indian Education, 1890-1915.” Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 289-290.
[6] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 233.
[7] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[8] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[9] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[10] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[11] Kevin Slivka. “Art, Craft, and Assimilation: Curriculum for Native Students during the Boarding School Era.” Studies in Art Education 52, 3 (2011): 226.
[12] Kevin Slivka. Studies in Art Education 52, 3 (2011): 228.
[13] Lisa Grayshield, et al. “Understanding and Healing Historical Trauma: The Perspectives of Native American Elders.” Journal of Mental Health Counseling 37, 4 (2015): 296.
[14] Claire Palmiste. “Forcible Removals: The Case of Australian Aboriginal and Native American Children.” AlterNATIVE 4, 2 (2008): 80.
[15] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 2.
[16] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 2.
[17] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 289.
[18] Ann Piccard. Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 157.
[19] Ann Piccard. Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 156-157.
[20] The United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior. “Tentative Course of Study for United States Indian Schools.” Government Printing Office (1915): 5.
[21] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 295.
[22] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[23] K. Tsianina Lomawaima. “Domesticity in the Federal Indian Schools: The Power of Authority over Mind and Body.” American Ethnologist 20, 2 (1993): 227.
[24] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[25] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[26] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[27] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 291-292.
[28] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 291-292.
[29] The United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior. “Report of the Superintendent of Indian Schools 1898” Government Printing Office (1898): 16.
[30] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[31] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[32] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[33] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 14.
[34] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 235.
[35] Kevin Whalen. “Findings the Balance: Student Voices and Cultural Loss at Sherman Institute.” American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 135.
[36] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 253.
[37] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 295.
[38] David H. DeJong. “‘Unless They Are Kept Alive:’ Federal Indian Schools and Student Health, 1878-1918.” American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 258.
[39] David H. DeJong. American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 265.
[40] Kevin Whalen. American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 135.
[41] Kevin Whalen. American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 135.
[42] David H. DeJong. American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 256.
[43] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 229.
[44] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 236.
[45] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. “‘Use the Club of White Man’s Wisdom in Defence of Our Customs:’ White Schools and Native Agendas.” American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 20.
[46] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 18.
[47] Ann Piccard. Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 153.
[48] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 6.
[49] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 289.
[50] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 293.
[51] Kevin Whalen. American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 134.
[52] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 21.
[53] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 21.
[54] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 8.
[55] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 15.
[56] David H. DeJong. American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 258.
[57] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 8.
[1] Ann Piccard, “Death by Boarding School: “The Last Acceptable Racism” and the United States’ Genocide of Native Americans.” Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 157.
[2] Amy Lonetree. “American Indian Boarding Schools: An Exploration of Global Ethnic and Cultural Cleansing.” Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 5.
[3] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. “Stolen Generation and Vanishing Indians: The Removal of Indigenous Children as a Weapon of War in the United States and Australia, 1870-1940.” Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 238.
[4] Julie Davis. “American Indian Boarding School Experiences: Recent Studies from Native Perspective.” OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[5] Annalee G. Good. “‘Unconscionable Violence:’ The Federal Role in American Indian Education, 1890-1915.” Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 289-290.
[6] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 233.
[7] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[8] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[9] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[10] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 8.
[11] Kevin Slivka. “Art, Craft, and Assimilation: Curriculum for Native Students during the Boarding School Era.” Studies in Art Education 52, 3 (2011): 226.
[12] Kevin Slivka. Studies in Art Education 52, 3 (2011): 228.
[13] Lisa Grayshield, et al. “Understanding and Healing Historical Trauma: The Perspectives of Native American Elders.” Journal of Mental Health Counseling 37, 4 (2015): 296.
[14] Claire Palmiste. “Forcible Removals: The Case of Australian Aboriginal and Native American Children.” AlterNATIVE 4, 2 (2008): 80.
[15] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 2.
[16] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 2.
[17] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 289.
[18] Ann Piccard. Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 157.
[19] Ann Piccard. Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 156-157.
[20] The United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior. “Tentative Course of Study for United States Indian Schools.” Government Printing Office (1915): 5.
[21] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 295.
[22] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[23] K. Tsianina Lomawaima. “Domesticity in the Federal Indian Schools: The Power of Authority over Mind and Body.” American Ethnologist 20, 2 (1993): 227.
[24] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[25] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[26] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 290.
[27] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 291-292.
[28] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 291-292.
[29] The United States, Office of Indian Affairs, Department of the Interior. “Report of the Superintendent of Indian Schools 1898” Government Printing Office (1898): 16.
[30] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[31] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[32] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 20.
[33] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 14.
[34] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 235.
[35] Kevin Whalen. “Findings the Balance: Student Voices and Cultural Loss at Sherman Institute.” American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 135.
[36] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 253.
[37] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 295.
[38] David H. DeJong. “‘Unless They Are Kept Alive:’ Federal Indian Schools and Student Health, 1878-1918.” American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 258.
[39] David H. DeJong. American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 265.
[40] Kevin Whalen. American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 135.
[41] Kevin Whalen. American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 135.
[42] David H. DeJong. American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 256.
[43] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 229.
[44] Victoria Haskins, and Margaret D. Jacobs. Excerpt from Children and War: A Historical Anthology. New York University Press, New York (2002): 236.
[45] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. “‘Use the Club of White Man’s Wisdom in Defence of Our Customs:’ White Schools and Native Agendas.” American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 20.
[46] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 18.
[47] Ann Piccard. Gonzaga Law Review 49, 1 (December 2013): 153.
[48] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 6.
[49] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 289.
[50] Annalee G. Good. Studies in the Humanities 33, 2 (December 2006): 293.
[51] Kevin Whalen. American Behavioral Scientist 58, 1 (2014): 134.
[52] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 21.
[53] Julie Davis. OAH Magazine of History 15, 2 (Winter 2001): 21.
[54] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 8.
[55] Amy Lonetree. Ziibiwing Center of Anishinabee Culture and Lifeways (2011): 15.
[56] David H. DeJong. American Indian Quarterly 31, 2 (Spring 2007): 258.
[57] Jacqueline Fear-Segal. American Studies International XL, 3 (October 2002): 8.
Photo Citations:
[Image 1.] Photograph of Chiracahua Apache Indians arriving at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, 1886. Records of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 2.] Photograph of Chiracahua Apache Indians after training at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, 1886. Records of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 3.] Photograph of Tom Torlino during arrival at Carlisle Indian Industrial School in 1882 and three years later in 1885, by unknown. Cumberland County Historical Society, Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
[Image 4.] Photograph titled Women at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Carlisle, Pennsylvania by unknown, 1903. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
[Image 5.] Photograph of students in classroom at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School by unknown, undated. National Archive, Seattle, Washington.
[Image 6.] Photograph titled Photograph of Boys and Girls Conducting Physics Experiments at the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania by unknown, 1904. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 7.] Document titled Cover Letter, January 23, 1914, with attached sample daily program for one week at an Indian School for Fort Bidwell Indian School in California. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 8.] Photograph titled Boy hoeing garden, Tulalip Indian School by Ferdinand Brady, 1912. Brady Collection. Museum of History and Industry, Seattle.
[Image 9.] Photograph titled Class on blacksmithing at Forest Grove Indian Training School, Oregon by unknown, undated. Still Pictures Branch. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 10.] Photograph titled Two Women in Kitchen at Indian Boarding School, location unknown by unknown, 1900. Indian Boarding School Photograph Collection. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota.
[Image 11.] Engraving titled Indian Training School girls activities at Chemawa near Salem, Oregon, 1887. American Indians of the Pacific Northwest Images. University of Washington Libraries, Special Collection Division.
[Image 12.] Engraving titled Indian Training School boys activities at Chemawa near Salem, Oregon, 1887. American Indians of the Pacific Northwest Images. University of Washington Libraries, Special Collection Division.
[Image 13.] Excerpt from page 16 of the Report of the Superintendent of Indian Schools 1898 Report. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
[Image 14.] Photograph titled A grandfather and two of his grandchildren infected with trachoma, Rincon Reservation, California by unknown, 1912. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Graphic 1.] Chart titled Showing the percentage of Indians suffering from Trachoma among those examined in different states. Page 24 of the Report on Contagious and Infectious Diseases Among the Indians, 1913. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
[Image 15.] Photograph titled Learning finger songs at Carlisle Indian School by Frances Benjamin Johnston, 1900. Cumberland County Historical Society, Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
[Image 16.] Photograph titled Group of Omaha boys in cadet uniforms at Carlisle Indian School, Pennsylvania by unknown, undated. Still Pictures Branch. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 17.] Photograph titled The School sewing room by unknown, undated. National Archive, Seattle, Washington.
[Image 18.] Photograph titled Intermediate students in an Indian boarding school at Beaulieu, Minnesota by unknown, 1900. Indian Boarding School Photograph Collection. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota.
[Image 19.] Photograph of Carlisle Indian School, Pennsylvania by unknown, undated. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 20.] Cover of the Meriam Report by the Institute for Government Research, 1928. Native American Rights Fund. National Indian Law Library, Boulder, Colorado.
[Image 1.] Photograph of Chiracahua Apache Indians arriving at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, 1886. Records of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 2.] Photograph of Chiracahua Apache Indians after training at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School, 1886. Records of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 3.] Photograph of Tom Torlino during arrival at Carlisle Indian Industrial School in 1882 and three years later in 1885, by unknown. Cumberland County Historical Society, Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
[Image 4.] Photograph titled Women at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Carlisle, Pennsylvania by unknown, 1903. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
[Image 5.] Photograph of students in classroom at the Carlisle Indian Industrial School by unknown, undated. National Archive, Seattle, Washington.
[Image 6.] Photograph titled Photograph of Boys and Girls Conducting Physics Experiments at the Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania by unknown, 1904. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 7.] Document titled Cover Letter, January 23, 1914, with attached sample daily program for one week at an Indian School for Fort Bidwell Indian School in California. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 8.] Photograph titled Boy hoeing garden, Tulalip Indian School by Ferdinand Brady, 1912. Brady Collection. Museum of History and Industry, Seattle.
[Image 9.] Photograph titled Class on blacksmithing at Forest Grove Indian Training School, Oregon by unknown, undated. Still Pictures Branch. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 10.] Photograph titled Two Women in Kitchen at Indian Boarding School, location unknown by unknown, 1900. Indian Boarding School Photograph Collection. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota.
[Image 11.] Engraving titled Indian Training School girls activities at Chemawa near Salem, Oregon, 1887. American Indians of the Pacific Northwest Images. University of Washington Libraries, Special Collection Division.
[Image 12.] Engraving titled Indian Training School boys activities at Chemawa near Salem, Oregon, 1887. American Indians of the Pacific Northwest Images. University of Washington Libraries, Special Collection Division.
[Image 13.] Excerpt from page 16 of the Report of the Superintendent of Indian Schools 1898 Report. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
[Image 14.] Photograph titled A grandfather and two of his grandchildren infected with trachoma, Rincon Reservation, California by unknown, 1912. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Graphic 1.] Chart titled Showing the percentage of Indians suffering from Trachoma among those examined in different states. Page 24 of the Report on Contagious and Infectious Diseases Among the Indians, 1913. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
[Image 15.] Photograph titled Learning finger songs at Carlisle Indian School by Frances Benjamin Johnston, 1900. Cumberland County Historical Society, Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
[Image 16.] Photograph titled Group of Omaha boys in cadet uniforms at Carlisle Indian School, Pennsylvania by unknown, undated. Still Pictures Branch. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 17.] Photograph titled The School sewing room by unknown, undated. National Archive, Seattle, Washington.
[Image 18.] Photograph titled Intermediate students in an Indian boarding school at Beaulieu, Minnesota by unknown, 1900. Indian Boarding School Photograph Collection. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minnesota.
[Image 19.] Photograph of Carlisle Indian School, Pennsylvania by unknown, undated. Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. National Archives, Washington, D.C.
[Image 20.] Cover of the Meriam Report by the Institute for Government Research, 1928. Native American Rights Fund. National Indian Law Library, Boulder, Colorado.